Dangerous Repeat of History

By Prabir Purkayastha,

Newsclick, 13th August, 2010

History is repeating itself in West Bengal, with Maoists, the Trinamool and the Congress doing what they had done in the late 60's and early 70's. And it will not be history repeating itself, first time as a tragedy, the second time as a farce. This time around, it will be a much bigger tragedy.

The modus is identical to the pattern set 40 years back. Use the ultra-left to attack the left, giving all political cover and implicit state support. The Congress then, and its splinter Trinamool now has combined forces at the ground level. And the game is to physically liquidate the CPI(M) cadre so that what this combine cannot do ideologically, they can try and do physically.

For me personally, it is a sense of complete deja vu. I remember my student days, when we were personally targeted for “liquidation” as “class enemies”. Killing class enemies was supposed to be the “festival” for the Maoists. And anybody that did not share their views and was active in politics, especially in the CPI(M), was a class enemy.

The pattern of killings are exactly what they are now – you could be killed any time any place. People are killed at tea shops, dragged out of their houses and “executed”, with their bodies left on the road. Local activists, area level leaders, party sympathisers, it did not matter then and it does not matter now. They “target”, track and kill, preferably under cover of darkness and while the “target is alone. Specifically choose soft targets – they are easier to kill. With this terror, the Maoists hope that the bulk of CPI(M) supporters will leave the area, making this CPI(M) free.

How can people who claim that they are making the revolution, target individual activists for assassination? This can be done only if you first de-humanise your opponents. So all CPI(M) activists are “agents” by definition. After that, joining hands with Trinamool or Congress to fight the CPI(M) is simple. Old slogans of enemies' enemy can then be pulled out for this purpose. But all this requires forgetting the fundamental tenets of marxism, which opposes individual terrorism and calls for mass action and mass politics. This mindless glorification of violence – individual and anonymous violence, this killing of CPI(M) activists and others, is what it always been – a hall mark of lumpen politics.

What Mamata Bannerjee has done through her rally in Lalgarh is to cloak this politics of individual assassination with central protection. The areas where the Maoists had been beaten back by the people, saw the police escorting the leaders and the supporters of the People’s Committee Against Police Atrocities (PCAPA) into the rally. The hope was that through this, they would “recapture” these areas and drive the CPI(M) out. The rally was ostensibly called by “apolitical” forum called Santras Birodhi Mancha (Anti-Atrocities Platform), which allowed Mamta and Trinamool to claim that they were not in league with the Maoists. Unfortunately for them, the Maoist and PCPA banners far outnumbered the Trinamool flags, making clear that this was a rally of the Maoists held under the protection of Trinamool and therefore the UPA Government.

The UPA Government is quite happy to condemn Maoists for their violence and run with Mamata and her politics of murder. Mr. Chidambaram had informed the Rajya Sabha that the inquiry by the CBI into the Jnaneswari Express derailment killing more than 150, had revealed that the railway track was damaged by the PCPA, the frontal organisation of the Maoists and the main support for Lalgarh rally. It is symbolic of the Mamata brand of poltics that she can be the Rail Minister and yet consort with those who derail trains. Manoj Mahato and Asit Mahato – both wanted for the derailment of Jnaneswari Express, were openly mobilising for Mamata's so-called “apolitical” rally. And if there was any doubt left of the meaning of the rally, it became quite clear from the speeches – it was a meeting geared for next year's elections. The call from the podium was defeat the CPI(M) –from Medha Patkar to Mamata.

Medha Patkar and Agnivesh are of course “apolitical”. We have to grant that they are truly apolitical and do not know what it means to be “apolitical” and simultaneously ask for the ouster of the CPI(M) in Bengal. More than 250 CPI(M) cadre have been killed in the last 6 months alone. If there are any doubts where this section of “civil” society is going, it has become crystal clear now. They will be with fascist forces in Bengal in the coming period. They and the human rights “intellectuals” from Kolkata are clear – any method to get rid of the CPI(M) in Bengal is OK: human rights obviously do not apply to the CPI(M) cadre.

The violence of Naxalites combined with murderous gangs of the Congress was the hall-mark of the early 70's. The Congress used the state machinery and its lumpen cadre after the Naxalites first did their job. This was in clearing large parts of urban areas of CPI(M)'s cadre. Individual killings led to people vacating different areas to seek shelter somewhere else. Getting people to leave their homes under threat of liquidation was the first step. Once this was done, the Congress stepped in with its lumpen cadre drawn largely from the underworld. This was the Youth Congress and the Chatra Parishad – the youth and student wing of the Congress. Lest we forget, Mamata Bannerjee was a youth leader then and very much a part of these murderous attacks. The Naxalite groups were liquidated by the Congress, once their utility was over. This was the period of semi-fascist terror , which ended with the Congress finally being thrown out of the centre and Bengal, post-emergency.

It is important to note how the CPI(M) handled the post-emergency scenario. There were no reprisals. All police cases, even those including the murders of CPI(M) cadre were also dropped as a part of a general amnesty. This was well before South Africa's experiment with the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Effectively, the CPI(M) carried out what it felt was needed – to break the cycle of violence by not using state power even to prosecute those who had killed its cadre.

What is the game plan of Mamata and the Congress? Mamata's game plan is clear and has been so for quite some time. She stands for physical liquidation of the CPI(M) and allying with any force who agrees to this game plan. Not surprising that the Maoists and Mamata/Trinamool are on the same side. They have the same objective and the same methods. Except one is openly fascist, the other calls itself “revolutionary”.

Why is a section of the civil society so happy to go along with these forces? Here again, there are different reasons for different people. For some, they would like to be identified with the “polemic” of revolution. If the current model of development is leaving the major sections of the people out, the middle class expresses its own alienation through calls for revolution. Others have always been wary of the organised left – for them joining hands with the Left during BJP rule -- was very much against their grain. Currently, their deep anti-CPI(M) antipathy is ruling their political direction. Co-existing with Trinamool, giving her a “radical” cover, all of it hide their real feelings – deep hatred of the CPI(M).

The Congress is playing the most devious game in Bengal. Their agenda is to use Trinamool and the Maoists to physically eliminate the CPI(M) from large parts of Bengal. Once this happens, they calculate Mamata will self-destruct within a short-time. It is then that the Congress will enter and pick up the pieces in Bengal.

The problem in all this is to believe that West Bengal is an island unto itself and all this will not have any impact in the rest of the country. That we can have a Railway Minister who is hand in gloves with forces who kill innocent people and derail trains. That we can have semi fascist forces in collusion with Maoists who do not recognise the writ of the state. Who have attacked all development activities in areas they control while levying “taxes” on the illegal mining Mafia, for example in Jahrakhand and Chattisgarh. That this will not spill over to other areas under the patronage of the Trinamool and the UPA Government. All this is gambling with the future of our country.

For Mamata, the issue is clear, she wants to rule in Bengal, even if for a short duration. Her limited aim is to liquidate CPI(M), she could not care less for its implications for the larger polity. It is the Congress, which claims to have a larger and longer term agenda which will have to answer for what happens to the country and the people in West Bengal

Those who believe that CPI(M) can be liquidated in Bengal are living in a fool's paradise. The Semi-fascist terror of the 70's did not finish the CPI(M), nor will their progenies today. Politics of assassination and individual violence has a limited shelf life. Let us see how long this combine lasts. Meanwhile let us hope that they will not do irreparable damage to the country.

NIRUPAM SEN'S ARTICLE IN 'KATWAR KALAM' SHARAD 2010

http://www.esnips.com/doc/f31a6d29-7ae5-4059-8528-d09fe9ede8b6/NIRUPAM-SEN

'Maoists' are today Politically and Ideologically Cornered'

INTERVIEW WITH DEEPAK SARKAR

The 'Maoists' in Bengal are today politically and ideologically cornered due to the sustained ongoing campaign against them by the CPI(M), felt the Party West Medinipur district secretary, Deepak Sarkar. In an interview given to  N S Arjun recently, he spoke about the people's resistance against the 'Maoists' gaining ground in many parts of the district.

Below we give excerpts of the interview:

(Q) What is the latest situation in 'Maoist' terror affected villages in the district?

DEEPAK SARKAR: Situation in one part of the affected areas is happily improving because people have been able to overcome their fear and come out courageously against the 'Maoists'. But in other part where they are trying to penetrate, new methods of resistance have to be adopted.

(Q) There has been marked increase in the people's resistance to the 'Maoists' in the recent period. What has changed on the ground to result in this?

DEEPAK SARKAR:  First of all the continuous campaign undertaken by the Party and Left forces  against the 'Maoists' has helped. Secondly, our constant contact with the people and our support and reassurance to them not to be afraid as the democratic forces of not only the district but the entire state were with them gave the people confidence. Thirdly, people have become fed up  because of the continuous torture for the last one and half years. So they came out desperately against the TMC-'Maoists' and got some success. This coming out against these forces is increasing in the recent past.

(Q) The 'Maoists' are nowhere in the country facing such organised people's resistance as is going on here. Can you explain how the Party is leading such resistance?

DEEPAK SARKAR: The CPI(M) and Left forces are well organised and strong in West Bengal. The Party is tackling the 'Maoists' politically, ideologically and organisationally. Naturally they are isolated from the people and their political manoeuvring capacity has decreased sharply. They are today ideologically and politically cornered.

(Q) How do you see the role of Trinamool Congress in this violence?

DEEPAK SARKAR: Their union ministers are demanding withdrawal of joint security forces from jangal mahal area.Trinamool party has directly colluded with the 'Maoists' because they have a one-point programme – oust the Left Front government. They have realised after many attempts that their aim cannot be achieved by democratic means. Now they are resorting to violent means for achieving their aim. They are therefore hand-in-glove with the 'Maoists'.

(Q) The opposition is charging that the CPI(M) is running armed camps in jangal mahal area and terrorising the people. Your response.

DEEPAK SARKAR: This is an old story. Our people are just now coming out of shelters and returning to the villages.They are protecting themselves and their villages with their traditional weapons. In Radhangar village in Jhargram area, one night hundreds of people came out against the 'Maoists',  most of them being women. They chased the goons away with their traditional weapons. When they became successful the next day adjoining villages also witnessed similar resistance actions. Today the people are guarding their villages day and night. When this way the people are reclaiming their villages, the so-called independent media and Trinamool Congress are levelling baseless charges. Recently, the English daily 'The Hindu' exposed how Trinamool Congress MPs falsely depicted 'Maoist' training camp pictures as 'CPI(M) armed camps' ones.

(Q) How does the Party plan to defend these villages knowing the barbarity of 'Maoists' could return?

DEEPAK SARKAR: Party depends on mass mobilisation, mass activity and normal developmental work. With these the confidence of people will be high to face any sort of barbarity.

(Q) How do you view the recent solidarity campaign across the country in defence of the struggle being waged here?

DEEPAK SARKAR: Well, it has been very encouraging for us to find that people across the country are with us in this struggle. Moreover, this campaign would remove the misgivings and misconceptions through out the country about the Left Front government and the 'Maoists' activity.

  

People's Democracy     October 03, 2010

“Trinamool Provides List, Maoists Carry out Execution”

FORMER ASSISTANT OF KISHENJI REVEALS

N S Arjun from West Medinipur

THAT the Trinamool Congress is hand in glove with the 'Maoists' in Bengal is common knowledge. It has been proved repeatedly through their actions – the close coordination of activity by the TMC with the 'Maoist' frontal organisation PCPA, the coming to defence of PCPA leader Chhatradhar Mahato, the demands for withdrawal of central forces, the 'Maoists' endorsement of Mamata Banarjee as chief minister etc.

But now proof comes from two persons who joined the 'Maoists' with the sole aim of escaping death and have now escaped from their clutches. One of them, Mongol Mahato belonging to Nutandehi village in Salboni, in fact worked for the top 'Maoist' leader, Kishenji, as an assistant for around two months. They stayed in the jungle along with the 'Maoists' and had witnessed many of their barbaric actions.

Presently, taking shelter outside their village, these two persons spoke to People's Democracy recently on their experience with the 'Maoists'. When the 'Maoists' entered their village last year, they had threatened to kill Mongol Mahato, along with many others they suspected of being CPI(M) supporters. After being underground for few days, Mahato approached the TMC-'Maoists' and professed to work for them. They made him participate in meetings and rallies in the village. Later he was taken into the jungle where he got an opportunity to work for the notorious Kishenji for around two months. He used to make tea for them and also worked as a barber for Kishenji.

Asked to describe what he saw during this period, Mahato told us that the Trinamool leaders would regularly drop by and hold talks with Kishenji for hours together. There would also be leaders from the PCPA participating in such meetings. They used to provide list of CPI(M) workers to be killed in such meetings. He says PCPA, its armed outfit, the Gana Militia, and 'Maoists' are all one and the same with different nomenclature. Asked why he chose to desert them, Mahato said that he could not bear to see ordinary village folk – the tribals, agricultural labourers, petty vendors etc – being tortured brutally and shot after being tied to the trees in the jungle. They were usually suspected of being police informers or being supporters of CPI(M).

The other such person, Sapan Chalok, also from the same village, recounted his story. He was also threatened with death by TMC-'Maoists' goons when they took over the village. By then all CPI(M) leaders had left the village and sensing danger to himself and his family, he approached a known TMC contact and professed to work for them. He not only participated in meetings in his village but was also taken to nearby villages to take part in activity, including to Kolsibhanga where many CPI(M) supporters and workers were killed by TMC-'Maoists'. He worked as an informer to them on the developments in the villages.

“TMC leaders used to conduct secret meetings with the 'Maoists' in the jungles. They used to torture innocent villagers until their demands were met”, said Sapan Chalok. He also cited the same reason as Mahato for leaving the 'Maoists', adding that he never went with them willingly but only to save his and his family's lives.

BRUTAL  TORTURE

As part of creating terror among the villagers and ensure their frightened support, the TMC-'Maoist' goons indulged in brutal torture of CPI(M) supporters and others whom they doubted. They organised a so-called people's court in Dakhinsole village near Pirakata. This was a place with a small rocky surface on the outskirts of the village and nearby the jungle. They used to order that at least ten people from nearby twenty villages must attend the “sessions” of this court. Jaba Singh, whose father Nalin Singh was severely beaten in one such session, told us that the “accused” in these court were usually those they suspected of being police informers or those who had defied their diktats to participate in the meetings. “The kind of torture they inflicted is hard to describe in any language. One day an old man of around 70 years was beaten up by two persons in front of everyone. Some were also brutally executed in front of us while those beaten up severely had to be admitted into hospitals”, he said.

No wonder that Jaba Singh is now active with fellow villagers who are constantly on the vigil to safeguard the peace that has returned to the village through mass resistance. (INN)

'CPI (Maoist) can't be judge, jury and executioner'

P Chidambaram / July 18, 2010, 0:01 IST

 

You are aware that CPI (Maoist) is the principal Left-wing extremist organisation. As long as CPI (Maoist) was not challenged effectively, it expanded its area of activity, recruited more cadres, kidnapped more persons, extorted more money, acquired or looted more weapons, asserted its dominance in more areas, and targeted the security forces as well as civilians.

Between 2004 and 2008, on an average, 500 civilians were killed every year — many of them after being named ‘police informers’. We are especially concerned that ordinary citizens should be labelled as ‘police informers’ and killed by CPI (Maoist). CPI (Maoist) has no right to set itself up as judge, jury and executioner. In fact, it has no right to carry arms. It is a banned organisation and functions outside the pale of the law.

The efforts of the state governments, assisted by central paramilitary forces, have met with mixed results. Key leaders of CPI (Maoist) have been apprehended. Many attacks were repulsed. Security forces have asserted their control over some areas in the districts of Gadchiroli and Kanker. However, there have been setbacks too.

The most serious setbacks were in Silda (West Bengal) and in Tarmetla, Chingawaram and Dhaudhai (all in Chhattisgarh). Besides, there was the derailment of the Gnaneswari Express that claimed the lives of 149 innocent civilians. There have been some lapses on the part of the security forces in failing to follow standard operating procedure. There can be no gain in saying that the attacks by the CPI (Maoist) were pre-meditated and carried out with the object of inflicting maximum damage on the security forces and overawing the people and the elected governments.

We would do well to remember that the attacks by CPI (Maoist), whether opportunistic or pre-planned, are part of their strategy of an ‘armed liberation struggle’ and in furtherance of their goal of ‘seizure of political power through a protracted people’s war’.

The Central government acknowledges its role and responsibility to assist the state governments in every way — deploying central paramilitary forces, sharing intelligence, funding the modernisation of police forces and providing logistics and other support. In the light of the experience gained in the last six months, we have reviewed the level of support that we can provide to the state governments and we have taken some decisions.

These include providing more helicopters for logistics support, troop movement, supplies and evacuation; to fund the establishment/strengthening of 400 police stations in the affected districts at the rate of Rs 2 crore per police station on 80:20 basis over a period of two years; to sanction additional SPOs to the states; to request the state governments of Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Orissa and West Bengal to create a Unified Command for anti-naxal operations; and to appoint a retired Major General of the army as a member of the Unified Command.

In addition, it has been decided to set up an empowered group chaired by Member-Secretary, Planning Commission, to modify existing norms/guidelines in the implementation of various development schemes in the affected districts and to improve road connectivity in 34 districts most affected by Left-wing extremism. A number of roads and bridges are proposed to be included, at a cost of Rs 950 crore, by the Ministry of Road Transport and Highways under RRP-I.

In the course of your interventions, I would request each one of you – the Governor and the Chief Ministers – to give your views on the measures that I have outlined above. I would also request you to tell us what more measures are required to be taken to curb the menace of Left-wing extremism. I hope that each one of you will bring to the table the things that we are doing right and the things that we are doing wrong, and that we can have a free and frank discussion on this very serious subject.

(Excerpts from Home Minister P Chidambaram’s address to the meeting of Chief Ministers of states affected by Left-wing extremism in New Delhi on July 14)

Naxal woman leader, who alleged sexual abuse, surrenders

TNN, Aug 28, 2010, 03.58am IST

KOLKATA: Maoist woman leader Shobha Mandi alias Uma, who had narrated a sordid saga of rape and sexual abuse in an exclusive interview to TOI published on August 24, surrendered to the police in West Midnapore on Friday. After four months on the run, the CPI-Maoist Jhargram area commander walked into West Midnapore SP Manoj Verma's office around 7pm. Clad in a green salwar-kameez with a cream dupatta covering her head, she handed over a bag containing Rs 55,500 and her personal belongings to the cops. She wasn't carrying any weapons.

Mandi said she belonged to People's Committee Against Police Atrocities (PCPA), the Maoist-led group responsible for the mass upsurge against police and CPM cadres in Lalgarh. She had mentored PCPA members involved in the Jnaneswari train blast that killed 148 people.

"She will be kept in a secure transit camp. Her parents have been informed. They can come and meet her. We will write to the Screening and Rehabilitation officer who will decide what benefits she will be entitled to as per the surrender policy," Verma told TOI. Uma had got in touch with the district police 7-8 days ago through her own network expressing her intention to surrender, said Verma. Wanted in five cases in Belpahari and Jhargram, she has not been arrested though.

After her case is scrutinized by the government and police, she will be entitled to a host of benefits that the government gives to encourage former Naxals to join the mainstream. These include a fixed deposit of Rs 1.5 lakh which can be withdrawn after three years subject to good behaviour; monthly stipend of Rs 2,000 for maximum 36 months and vocational training for skill development.

The 23-year-old woman who commanded 25-30 armed Maoist squad members deftly fielded questions by reporters. She said she ran away from her commanding post in April this year but denied reports that she had been in police custody all this while. She said she hadn't been home for two years and was living in hideouts in forests and other places since she deserted the red ranks. She refused to divulge the locations for fear of exposing those who shielded her from the wrath of Naxals.

 

Why did she surrender? "I want to lead an ordinary life, a life that all normal people life," she told reporters. Earlier, she had told TOI she had been wanting to run away from day 1. She had alleged that she had been raped by senior Maoist leaders, including key Maoist leader Bikash. When she complained, she was isolated and threatened with dire consequences if she protested again. "They commit injustices against which they claimed they are fighting," Uma had told TOI.

Her father Jamadar Mandi told TOI he was happy that his daughter was back. "We have seen her twice in the last seven years. Last time we saw her, she was in fatigues and went back the same day."

Raped repeatedly, Naxal leader quits Red ranks

By Rakhi Chakrabarty, TNN, Aug 24, 2010, 01.02am IST

Somewhere On The Bengal-Jharkhand Border: The eerie calm in the dense sal forest is deafening. Walking along a snaking dirt track, a clear patch appears. Sitting on a rock, hidden by thick, emerald green foliage, is the diminutive figure of a woman, a gamchha (thin towel) covering her head. Her blue salwar-kameez meld with the surroundings. Her eyes dart around at the slightest hint of sound. Shobha Mandi, alias Uma, alias Shikha, gives a searching look and then smiles. The 23-year-old CPI-Maoist Jhargram area commander says she was expecting us.

From commanding 25-30 armed Maoist squad members, Uma turned a fugitive four months ago. She fled her command post on the plea of seeing a doctor. She hid with her aunt for a short while; and now she says she wants the world to know her story. She wants to surrender and is likely to give up Naxalism on August 26.

Why did she decide to shed her battle fatigues seven years after she joined the Naxals? "They committed injustices against which they claimed they were fighting," said Uma. "As a recruit, I protested against the habits of some leaders in the presence of Kishanji. Nobody liked it. The leaders instructed the squad members not to speak to me. I was isolated and warned of dire consequences if I protested," she said.

What didn't she like about the leaders? "They rape," she shot back, eyes flashing with rage. "After about a year of joining Naxals, I was put on night-long sentry duty at a forest camp in Jharkhand. Suddenly, out of the dark, Bikash (now, head of the state military commission) came up and asked me for water. As I turned to fetch it, he grabbed me and tried to do 'kharap kaaj' (indecent acts)." When she objected, Bikash threatened to strangle her. After forcing her into submission, Bikash raped her, she said. She was 17 then.

"He warned me against telling anyone about this. But, I told Akash (Kishanji's confidant and a state committee member). He said he would look into it but did nothing. In fact, Akash's wife, Anu, lives with Kishanji," Uma said.

Most women recruits are exploited by senior Maoists. Senior women leaders, too, have multiple sexual partners, Uma said. "If a member gets pregnant, she has no choice but to abort: A child is seen as a burden that hampers the agility of guerrillas."

Uma has heard tales of brutalization of other women Naxals, too. "Seema (then a recruit) told me that Akash raped her as well. Rahul (alias Ranjit Pal) raped Belpahari squad commander Madan Mahato's wife, Jaba. In this case, the party punished Rahul, who is a key weapons trainer at Maoist camps. He was removed from the regional committee for three months," said Uma.

State committee secretary Sudip Chongdar, alias Goutam, was also punished for similar acts, she said, and transferred to Jharkhand's West Singbhum district. Maoists divide time between forest camps and hideouts in villages. Villagers can't refuse shelter to gun-toting Maoists. Also, they must keep all night vigil to alert them against police raids. "When Sudip took shelter in villages, he raped women in their homes. They were too scared to protest," said Uma.

 

Many of her senior leaders exploited her sexually. One day, says Uma, Kamal Maity, who is a Bengal-Jharkhand-Orissa regional committee member, came to her rescue. At a meeting attended by Kishanji and other top Maoists, Kamal proposed a relationship with Uma. The leaders agreed. "After Jaba's incident, I learnt that a woman cadre is protected against sexual exploitation only if she is with a senior leader," she said. That was a turning point and she rose steadily in Naxal ranks.

 

Uma is on the police's most wanted list. She is suspected to have planned and executed a series of attacks, including the massacre of 24 EFR jawans in Silda (February 2010); a raid on Sankrail police station in which two policemen were killed and an officer abducted (October 2009). She is also one of the suspects in Jharkhand MP Sunil Mahato's murder in 2007.

 

She mentored PCPA members, including Bapi Mahato who is in jail for the Jnaneswari train sabotage. Last year, when the joint central and state forces advanced into Lalgarh to break an eight-month siege, she along with other Maoists fired at the police. In Jhargram, she is known as didi. According to a source, Uma single-handedly built up the PCPA at Jhargram.

 

Uma joined the rebels in 2003. CPI-Maoist hadn't been formed then. "I joined the People's War ( PW) which later merged with MCC in 2004 to form CPI-Maoist," she said. She was given a new name, Uma. "I was plump. Anu (Akash's wife; Kishanji's companion) said I looked like Uma Bharti. So, she named me Uma."

Maoist leaders spotted her organizational skills. She was asked to mobilize tribals women at Jamboni and Dahijuri in West Midnapore. She also underwent three-month arms training at Jharkhand's Gorabandha forest. "First, we are taught with dummy weapons using tree branches. All recruits have to fire three bullets in their first session. Those who hit the target are picked for armed squads," she said.

 

In spite of guns and guerrilla warfare, the woman in her sometimes longs for simple pleasures like painting her nails or wearing earrings. But, she says, "We were not permitted to use even fragrant soaps, lest we get detected. Only Lifebuoy is used by cadres."

Did she join the rebels of her own free will? Circumstances, she said. Uma is second of four siblings. Along with their parents, they worked as wage earners on farms or collected sal leaves, mahua and red ants (kurkut) to sell. "I was good in studies but weak in math. I worked all day and studied at night," the girl from Khayerpahari village in West Bengal's Bankura district recounted. "I couldn't pass the Class X board."

 

This was in 2002. Younger brother Sanjay, who was in Class VIII, was already taken away by the extremists. He became a Lalgarh squad member and is in jail now. "My father, Jamadar Mandi, was an alcoholic suffering from tuberculosis. There was no money to buy him medicines. We sold our land and also borrowed money," Uma said.

While the family struggled, some "party" members offered help. "They gave my father some money and told me to join them. They said I could leave if I didn't like working with them," said Uma. The prospect of a job spurred her.

 

But only after she signed up did she realize she could never go home. "Whoever comes here, never returns," a senior leader told her. She wanted freedom from poverty but found herself chained to an ideology she couldn't understand.

After seven years of witnessing bloodletting, she has no fear of death. She now hopes the state she has fought against will rehabilitate her. "There are many in the Maoist ranks who would flee given half a chance," she said.